India’s Arbitration Contradiction: Building a Hub With One Hand, Dismantling It With the Other – An Analysis of the MoF OM, PWD Notification and MoRTH Circular

India’s Arbitration Contradiction: Building a Hub With One Hand, Dismantling It With the Other - An Analysis of the MoF OM, PWD Notification and MoRTH Circular

By Aryan Sood.

About the Author:

Aryan Sood is a 5th Year Law Student pursuing BBA LLB (Hons.) from CHRIST (Deemed to be University), Bangalore.

 

Abstract

This blog examines the growing divergence between India’s stated ambition to become a leading arbitration jurisdiction and recent governmental measures restricting the use of arbitration in public contracts. It analyses the Ministry of Finance’s 2024 Office Memorandum, the Delhi PWD’s 2025 notification and the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways’ 2026 circular, all of which limit or exclude arbitration in public procurement and infrastructure disputes. The blog argues that these measures misdiagnose the causes of arbitral dissatisfaction and overlook the potential of institutional arbitration which risks increasing judicial burdens.

Keywords: Infrastructure Disputes, Institutional arbitration, Government Contracts

I. Introduction

There is a peculiar kind of contradiction at work in India’s approach to arbitration. The Government speaks of building India into the next global arbitration hub and pushes through legislative reforms, while simultaneously issuing circulars that strip arbitration out of some of the most commercially significant contracts in the country. The Ministry of Finance’s Office Memorandumof June 2024 (‘OM’) when read together with the Public Works Department (‘PWD’) notification of April 2025 and the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (‘MoRTH’) circular of January 2026 reveals a contradiction in how the Indian state approaches arbitration.

The operative parts of the OM are worth stating precisely. It states that arbitration should not be “routinely or automatically” included in procurement contracts, particularly large ones. As a norm, arbitration should be restricted to disputes valued below INR 10 crore (this refers to the value of the dispute and not the value of the contract). Inclusion of arbitration for higher-value disputes requires the approval of a Secretary-level officer (or Joint Secretary with delegated authority) for ministries and the Managing Director for Central Public Sector Enterprises and public sector banks. Where arbitration is implemented, institutional arbitration should be preferred. For high-value disputes where arbitration is excluded, the OM recommends High Level Committees composed of retired judges and retired officers, which can either mediate, receive a negotiated proposal, or act as the mediator themselves.

The OM offers reasons as to why arbitration has, in its experience, failed to deliver. Each deserves individual scrutiny:

First, the OM acknowledges that “acceptance of an adverse award when judicial avenues are not exhausted is often perceived to be improper by various authorities.” This includes accountability of the Government to the Parliament (which in turn makes them answerable as to why certain actions available under the law were not taken after an arbitral award was rendered against the Government entity). Read carefully, this is an acknowledgment that the Government tends to challenge arbitral awards as a matter of institutional culture rather than on merit, and that it considers not challenging an award to be the default improper course. This is highly problematic as the OM then treats this as a failing of the arbitration mechanism itself. This is facilitated by the Indian arbitration regime which provides for multiple manners in which a Court can intervene after the arbitral award is rendered. The finality of arbitration is not undermined by arbitration as an institution but by the policy that litigates adverse awards. The best example for the same is Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd. v. Delhi Airport Metro Express Pvt. Ltd. where a single arbitral award was subjected to proceedings under Section 34, Section 37, SLP and a curative petition, all filed by the Delhi Metro Rail Corporation, before ultimately being set aside. The recent decision in Gayatri Balasamy v. ISG Novasoft Technologies Ltd. further expands the scope for post-award judicial intervention by recognising a limited power in courts to modify arbitral awards, which adds yet another route through which the finality of awards may be contested. The culture of the Government to challenge arbitral awards through every available procedural avenue, coupled with the Indian arbitration framework providing multiple layers of challenge undermines the finality of arbitral awards. The OM appears to proceed from the premise that adverse arbitral awards are themselves evidence of a malfunctioning arbitral process.

Second, the OM states that arbitration has become too lengthy and too costly, as much as “rivalling and often exceeding litigation.” This is a legitimate grievance in the Indian context. For example, the Law Commission, as early as August 2014, in its Report No. 46 titled Amendments to the Arbitration and Conciliation Act 1996 states that “although arbitration has fast emerged as a frequently chosen alternative to litigation, it has come to be afflicted with various problems including those of high costs and delays, making it no better than either the earlier regime which it was intended to replace; or to litigation, to which it intends to provide an alternative.” However, the OM itself, in paragraph 7(iv), recommends preferring institutional arbitration where appropriate. Institutional arbitration with expedited timelines, vetted arbitrators and structured fee schedules is the recognized global response to the cost-and-delay problem of arbitration. If institutional arbitration is the stated preference, then the policy response should be mandating institutional arbitration for large disputes rather than restricting arbitration for larger disputes. The OM holds both positions simultaneously without acknowledging the contradiction.

Third, the OM states that the “reduced formality, combined with the binding nature of decisions, has often led to wrong decisions on facts and improper application of the law.” Arbitration is flexible by design and this characteristic cannot be portrayed as a defect. The ability to depart from the rigid evidentiary and procedural rules of a court and to appoint technically qualified decisionmakers for complex matters, is precisely why arbitration is the preferred mechanism globally for complex commercial and infrastructure disputes. An increasingly difficult position to sustain is equating procedural formality with substantive correctness, which overlooks the possibility that a formally proper process may still produce an unjust outcome.

Fourth, the OM states the concern of little accountability for such wrong decisions, if taken by arbitrators. Notably absent from the OM’s diagnosis is any acknowledgment of the Government’s own contribution to the perceived accountability deficit. For example, the Hon’ble Supreme Court has identified structural concerns in the manner public sector entities appointed arbitrators. In Central Organisation for Railway Electrification v. ECI SPIC SMO MCML (JV), the Constitution Bench observed that while PSUs may maintain a panel of potential arbitrators, they cannot compel the opposing party to select an arbitrator from that panel. If the Government believed that arbitral outcomes were being distorted by deficiencies in the arbitral process, reforming appointment mechanisms would have been a logical response. Yet the OM does not engage with this issue at all and instead treats the problem as one inherent to arbitration itself.

Fifth, the OM contends that transferable officers place the Government at an informational disadvantage in arbitration. However, this is not unique to arbitration and applies equally to litigation. Government entities possess institutional records, legal departments and external counsel precisely to address such transfers. This concern is not addressed by suggesting for an exemption of arbitration. The OM therefore treats an administrative challenge as a justification for curtailing an otherwise neutral dispute resolution mechanism.

Sixth, the OM’s preference for mediation rests on an assumption that Government officials will be willing and able to settle disputes through mediation. This assumption uncomfortably exists along with the OM’s own acknowledgement that accepting adverse outcomes is often viewed as improper when there are legal avenues to challenge the award. The incentives that discourage Government officials from accepting arbitral awards are equally capable of discouraging them from approving mediated settlements. This affects the viability of mediation.

Further, the INR 10 crore threshold warrants specific attention. The threshold reflects a misunderstanding arbitration’s comparative advantage to litigation. When compared to court litigation, arbitration often provides a better platform in large, technically complex disputes involving specialized subject matter. The OM inverts this entirely by preserving arbitration for the disputes where it is least necessary and removes it from the disputes where it is most needed.

The OM is the source from which both the PWD notification and the MoRTH circular derive their justificatory logic.

On April 21, 2025, the Public Works Department of Delhi issued a notification that amended Clause 25 of the General Conditions of Contract to eliminate arbitration as a dispute resolution mechanism from all future PWD contracts. All disputes are now to be resolved exclusively through courts in Delhi. The PWD notification departs from the OM and goes on to impose a blanket exclusion. The notification does not offer any rationale for this and does not provide for any alternative ADR mechanism.

First, the notification raises significant concerns regarding its potential impact on investor confidence in India. The notification appears difficult to reconcile with India’s stated objectives to further India as an arbitration hub. The notification signals a reduced institutional commitment to arbitration in a major sector of public contracting which may weaken the predictability and trust that domestic and foreign investors regard as essential for long-term commercial engagement.

Second, the notification appears inconsistent with India’s sustained efforts to improve the ease of doing business and strengthen its dispute resolution framework. Over the past decade, legislative reforms through the Arbitration and Conciliation (Amendment) Acts of 2015, 2019 and 2021 have progressively reduced judicial intervention in arbitral proceedings enhanced procedural efficiency. Hence, a policy that exempts arbitration in public works disputes risks reintroducing uncertainty and may dilute the gains achieved through years of arbitration-friendly reform.

The Ministry of Road Transport and Highways issued a circular on January 12, 2026, providing that arbitration would not be available for disputes exceeding INR 10 crore under BOT, HAM and EPC contracts. Notably, it goes further to it state that existing dispute resolution clauses in all BOT (Build-Operate-Transfer), HAM (Hybrid Annuity Model) and EPC (Engineering, Procurement and Construction) contracts stand replaced with the revised clause with immediate effect. The only exception carved out is for ongoing arbitrations, which continue under the old regime.

First, the INR 10 crore threshold deserves specific scrutiny in the context of highway infrastructure. INR 10 crore is not a large sum. A single disputed variation order on a highway project can comfortably exceed this. The effect of the threshold is not to reserve courts for small disputes and arbitration for large one, but the reverse. Courts, in this regime, handle the most commercially significant disputes, while arbitration is preserved only for minor disagreements, in the context of such contracts, despite arbitration being in a position to offer more specialised arbitrators for such complex disputes.

Second, the MoRTH circular arrives at a particularly uncomfortable moment in India’s arbitration narrative. At the very time India is promoting itself as an arbitration-friendly jurisdiction through initiatives such as GIFT City’s arbitration ecosystem, legislative reforms and efforts to attract investment into its massive infrastructure pipeline, the Government has removed arbitration from the very disputes most likely to arise. Given MoRTH’s central role in administering one of the world’s largest infrastructure programmes, this acts as a signal to domestic and foreign investors about the state’s approach to contractual dispute resolution. If the Government’s repeated claims regarding the maturity of India’s arbitration ecosystem, the success of institutional arbitration and the effectiveness of recent reforms were genuinely reflected in practice, there would be little reason to exclude arbitration from high-value highway contracts.

Reading the aforementioned developments together against the backdrop of India’s stated arbitration policy produces a picture that is difficult to reconcile. Over the past decade, as per the aforesaid Lok Sabha response, the Government of India has sought to position India as a global arbitration hub. And yet, the PWD has exempted arbitration entirely and the MoRTH removes it from high-value highway contracts.

Ironically, many of the characteristics that make arbitration attractive in commercial disputes are even more valuable in Government contract disputes. Public procurement and infrastructure projects frequently involve complex technical questions relating to engineering specifications, variation orders, delay analysis, cost escalation and project execution, issues that generalist Courts may not be best placed to resolve efficiently. Arbitration allows parties to appoint decision-makers with relevant technical and commercial expertise.

What distinguishes the Government from an ordinary commercial party in an arbitration is that it does not participate in disputes solely as a market actor. Every decision to settle, pay, or accept an adverse outcome is filtered through layers of public accountability (as stated in the OM, such entities are accountable before the Parliament). A private party only bears the financial and reputational consequences of losing an arbitration and therefore has incentives to accept a binding outcome and move on. However, Government officers operate differently. Accepting an adverse award may attract scrutiny from audit, vigilance and parliamentary bodies as public funds may be on the line, whereas challenging the award signals institutional vigilance and carries little personal risk. The rational response is therefore to litigate further rather than settle. The OM itself acknowledges this problem and the MoF OM, PWD notification and the MoRTH circular are manifestations of the same problem. They are possible only because the Government is simultaneously the contracting party, policymaker and rule-setter, creating a structural temptation to redesign dispute resolution rules when the existing system begins producing unfavourable outcomes.

Another possible explanation for this stark divergence in the Government’s stance towards arbitration is the reality of the Indian arbitration regime. Despite Section 5 of the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996 restricting judicial intervention, recent judicial developments like Gayatri Balasamy have arguably weakened the finality that arbitration is intended to provide. This has the effect of increasing judicial intervention in the arbitral process and creating yet another avenue for post-award challenges. The culture of the Government challenging arbitral awards in any manner possible, coupled with an arbitration regime that already provides multiple avenues of challenge, substantially vitiates the finality of arbitral awards. Seen in this light, the notification may be understood as a manifestation of the Government’s own scepticism towards arbitration in practice.

Ultimately, such policies end up increasing the burden on courts. Given the volume and nature of PWD contracts, such a policy would transfer a substantial category of disputes directly to the judiciary without addressing the underlying causes of delay. Where mediation or High-Level Committee processes fail to produce a settlement, disputes will ultimately proceed to litigation. Given the volume of Government procurement disputes and the existing backlog before Indian courts, diverting high-value commercial disputes, which arbitrators are better equipped to deal with, away from arbitration risks transferring an entire category of complex disputes into an already overburdened judicial system.

The solution to the problems identified by the OM is not the exclusion of arbitration. If concerns genuinely exist regarding delays, costs, accountability and the quality of arbitral decision-making, the logical response is to strengthen institutional arbitration rather than divert disputes into ordinary civil litigation. A more coherent policy response would focus on improving arbitration rather than excluding it. Instead of imposing an arbitrary monetary threshold on arbitration, the Government could mandate institutional arbitration for all high-value procurement and infrastructure disputes, ensuring access to established procedural rules and vetted arbitrators.

Equally important is addressing the incentive structure that encourages routine challenges to arbitral awards. The OM itself acknowledges that accepting an adverse award is often perceived as improper within the Governmental framework. Any meaningful reform must therefore focus on reducing unnecessary challenges rather than reducing arbitration.  For a country that has spent the past decade promoting itself as a credible arbitration jurisdiction, the divergence between its stated objectives and recent policy measures is difficult to ignore. Such inconsistencies risk weakening confidence in the stability and predictability of its dispute resolution framework.